Europe faces an immigration predicament.Mainstream politicians, held hostageby xenophobic parties, adopt anti-immigrant rhetoric to win over fearful publics, while theforeign-born are increasingly marginalized in schools, cities, and at theworkplace. Yet, despite high unemployment across much of the continent, toomany employers lack the workers they need. Engineers, doctors, and nurses are in short supply; so, too, are farmhands andhealth aides. And Europe can never have enoughentrepreneurs, whose ideas drive economies and create jobs.

The prevailing skepticism about immigration is not wholly unfounded. Many communities are genuinely polarized, which makes Europeans understandably anxious.But to place the blame for this on immigrants is wrong, and exacerbates the problem. We are all at fault.

By not taking responsibility, we allowed immigration to become the scapegoat for a hostof other, unrelated problems. The enduring insecurity caused by theglobal economic crisis, Europe’s existential political debates, and the rise ofemerging powers is too often expressed in reactions against migrants. Not only is this unjust, but it distracts us from craftingsolutions to the real problems.

European countries must finally and honestly acknowledge that, like the United States, Canada,and Australia,they are lands of immigrants. The percentage of foreign-born residents inseveral European countries – including Spain,the United Kingdom, Germany, the Netherlands,and Greece – is similar tothat in the US.

Yet, despite this, we do not make the necessary investments to integratenewcomers into our schools and workplaces. Nor have we done enough to reshapeour public institutions to be inclusive andresponsive to our diverse societies. The issue is not how many new immigrantsare accepted into the European Union, but acknowledgingthe nature and composition of the societies in which we already live.

It is ironic – and dangerous – that Europe’santi-immigrant sentiment is peaking justwhen global structural changes are fundamentally shifting migration flows. Themost important transformation is the emergence of new polesof attraction. Entrepreneurs, migrants with Ph.Ds, and those simply with adesire to improve their lives are flocking to places like Brazil, South Africa, Indonesia,Mexico, China, and India. In the coming decade, mostof the growth in migration will take place in the global south. The West is nolonger the Promised Land, placing at risk Europe’sability to compete globally.

The aging of Europe’s population ishistorically unprecedented. The number of workers will decline precipitously, and could shrink by almostone-third by mid-century, with immense consequences for Europe’ssocial model, the vitality of its cities,its ability to innovate and compete, and for relations among generations as theold become heavily reliant on the young. And, while history suggests thatcountries that welcome newcomers’ energy and vibrancycompete best internationally, Europe is takingthe opposite tackby tightening its borders.

But all is not lost. Europe got itselfinto this situation through a combination of inactionand short-sighted policymaking. This leavesconsiderable room for improvement. In fact, there are raysof hope in certain corners of Europe.

Consider Sweden,which has transformed its immigration policy by allowing employers to identifythe immigrant workers whom they need (the policy has built-in safeguards togive preference to Swedish and EU citizens). In more rational times, thesereforms would be the envy of Europe, especially given the relative resilienceof Sweden’seconomy. They certainly have caught the attention of Australiaand Canada,which aim to emulate them.

There have also been innovations in integrating immigrants. Someinitiatives, albeit modest, encourage those with immigrant backgrounds to applyfor public-sector jobs in police forces, fire departments, media, andelsewhere. Such measures also respond to the urgent need for publicinstitutions that look like the populations they serve.

There are many other tools to advance integration. We understand well theimportance of early childhood education, and what kinds of programs can bridgethe gap between immigrant and native children. We know as well the importanceof finding a job in the integration process. We know how to recognizeimmigrants’ skills better, and how to provide the right kind of vocationaltraining. We know how to ward offdiscrimination in hiring.

But, while we know what to do, we now need to musterthe political will to do it. The good news is that, if we get integrationright, we will be far more likely to bring publics along on more openimmigration policies.

Equally important is international cooperation on migration. Last year,during the Arab revolutions, the EU missed a historic opportunity to begin weaving together the two sides of the Mediterranean. It failed to open its doors to young students,entrepreneurs, and other North Africans. Today, the EU is making a more seriouseffort to engage its southern neighborhood. Among the potential opportunitiesare free-trade agreements, an easing of visa requirements for universitystudents, temporary work programs, and incentives to attract entrepreneurs.

No country is an island when it comes to migration, and none can addressit alone. We have a long way to go, probably in a climate that will not turnfavorable to immigration for many years. How much progress we can make will hinge on our ability to breakthrough the myths about migration.

Migration is changing in fundamental ways, and we must continue to pushourselves to devise systems and approaches that respond to new realities. If wesucceed, human mobility can become one of the great assets of the twenty-firstcentury.