英文文献：Intrinsic and Extrinsic Motivations and Participation in Off-farm Work Among U.S. Farm Women-美国农业妇女从事非农工作的内在动机和外在动机
英文文献作者：Bharadwaj, Latika,Findeis, Jill L.
英文文献摘要：
The diversity of farmwomen's lives today reflects the diversity of agriculture itself. In the past century, farming has undergone dramatic structural, technological and managerial changes (Ahearn and Lee, 1991; Gardner, 1992). One of the major changes has been a decline in the number of farms and an increase in the multiple job-holding by farm household members, especially among women on U.S. farms (Hallberg et al., 1991). In the United States, around 71 percent households have either the principal farm operator or spouse or both employed in off-farm jobs (Mishra, El-Osta, Morehart, Johnson and Hopkins, 2002). Families combine farming with other off-farm activities for different objectives such as career development, lifestyle or personal fulfillment (Barlett, 1986). According to several studies, the growth of small farms in the United States and Canada may be due to the motivation of farm members to seek off-farm employment to support a favored lifestyle (Coughenour and Swanson, 1983; Bryden, 1994; Bessant, 2000). Fuller and Madge (1976) note that off-farm employment gives farm families a chance to interact with new people and to stabilize farm incomes. Mishra and Goodwin (1997) and Mishra (1996) found a positive correlation between off-farm employment and farm income variability, indicating that off-farm employment helps many farm households to diversify income risks. Studies have documented women's extensive participation in farm and off-farm work. Rosenfeld (1985), studying on U.S. farm women in 1980, concluded that higher average education levels, advances in labor-saving technologies in the home, and smaller family sizes have contributed to the trend toward more U.S farm women being employed off the farm. The off-farm income contributions of women have increased, due to both higher participation rates of farm women in external (off-farm) labor markets and to the higher real wages earned by women today (Olfert, 1993; Findeis, 2002). In the 1980 U.S. National Farm Survey (Rosenfeld, 1985), reasons for working off-farm varied: 57% of farm women reported financial reasons, 18% stated social reasons, 16% acknowledged maintenance of career skills, and the remaining 9% gave other (miscellaneous) reasons for working off-farm. The larger proportion of women employed off the farm for financial reasons suggests that working women have an important role in keeping the farm financially secure. Several studies also indicate that farm women prefer to work off-farm as it is associated with better living conditions, more stable income, economic independence, social security, better work conditions and social acknowledgment and respect (Efstratoglou, 1998; O'Hara, 1998). Different motivations to work off-farm exist and depend on the prevailing circumstances of the farm household and available off-farm job opportunities. But very few studies have analyzed the factors affecting work motivations, and the impacts of these motivations on individual behavior, e.g., the decision to engage in off-farm employment. Researchers have divided work motivations into economic and non-economic, or extrinsic and intrinsic, motivations. A person is extrinsically motivated when he/she works because of the monetary compensation for work; in contrast, an intrinsically-motivated individual derives direct utility from the work per se (Cappellari and Turati, 2004). Theories have been developed in relation to extrinsic and intrinsic motivations and how motivations, individually or the relationship between these motivations, might affect individual behavior (Ambrose and Kulik, 1999). Working at a non-farm job requires both motivation to enter the rural non-farm economy and ability to extract a continuous and rewarding livelihood from it. Factors such as the policy environment, institutions and vulnerability context in combination with individual characteristics, family characteristics, farm-related factors, financial, and locational characteristics of different households, will result in differing rural non-farm economy entry motivations, access capabilities and livelihood trajectories. Methodology and Data Given the above perspective, this paper examines factors affecting motivations for off-farm work among farm women in the U.S. Women were asked to rank different reasons for working in an off-farm job varying from not important, to somewhat important, to very important. Models are estimated in response to the motivation questions in the 2001 Penn State survey. Since the motivation questions on the 2001 Women on Farms Survey are answered by only farm women working off-farm, the problem of sample selection bias may exist. Hence, ordered probit models corrected for sample selection bias are estimated for the motivation choices. Further, few studies have estimated the impact of extrinsic vs. intrinsic motivations on individual work/activity participation. Hence, for this paper, motivations to work off-farm are divided into intrinsic and extrinsic motivations using the technique of factor analysis and then a multinomial logit model is estimated to understand the influence of selected factors on intrinsic and extrinsic work motivations in the case of off-farm work decision. The paper uses data from a national survey of U.S. farm women conducted by Pennsylvania State University in collaboration with researchers at the Economic Research Service (ERS, USDA) and the National Agricultural Statistics Service (NASS, USDA). The analysis outlined above will further our understanding of farm household off-farm work choices, with a strong focus on the labor decisions of farm women. Contribution The study not only improves understanding of how individual, human capital, farm and family, and labor market characteristics as well as regional variations affect individual work motivations, but also motivations to work for intrinsic and extrinsic reasons. If U.S. farm households are diversifying their economic activities to a greater extent now than in the past, then it is important to understand the motivations, means and outcomes of this heterogeneous diversifying process, so that appropriate rural development initiatives can be introduced to facilitate off-farm job opportunities and higher non-farm wages.

美国农业妇女从事非农工作的内在动机和外在动机。今天农场妇女生活的多样性反映了农业本身的多样性。在过去的一个世纪里，农业经历了巨大的结构、技术和管理变革(Ahearn and Lee, 1991;加德纳,1992)。其中一个主要的变化是农场数量的减少和农场家庭成员，尤其是美国农场的妇女，多职业的增加(Hallberg et al.， 1991)。在美国，大约71%的家庭中，主要的农场经营者或配偶或两者都从事非农工作(Mishra, El-Osta, Morehart, Johnson and Hopkins, 2002)。家庭为了不同的目标，如职业发展、生活方式或个人实现，将农业与其他非农活动结合起来(Barlett, 1986)。根据几项研究，美国和加拿大小型农场的增长可能是由于农场成员寻求非农就业以支持自己喜欢的生活方式的动机(Coughenour和Swanson, 1983;布莱登带领一个,1994分;Bessant, 2000)。Fuller和Madge(1976)指出，非农就业给了农场家庭一个与新人互动并稳定农场收入的机会。Mishra和Goodwin(1997)和Mishra(1996)发现非农就业与农业收入变异性之间存在正相关关系，表明非农就业有助于许多农户分散收入风险。研究记录了妇女广泛参与农业和非农工作。罗森菲尔德(1985)在1980年对美国农场妇女进行了研究，得出结论认为，平均教育水平的提高、家庭节省劳力技术的进步以及家庭规模的缩小，都导致了越来越多的美国农场妇女在非农就业。妇女对非农收入的贡献有所增加，这是由于农业妇女在外部(非农)劳动力市场的参与率较高，以及今天妇女获得的实际工资较高(Olfert, 1993年;Findeis, 2002)。在1980年的美国国家农场调查中(罗森菲尔德，1985年)，从事非农工作的原因多种多样:57%的农业女性报告经济原因，18%陈述社会原因，16%承认维持职业技能，剩下的9%给出其他(杂项)原因从事非农工作。由于经济原因而在农场以外就业的妇女比例较大，这表明职业妇女在保持农场经济安全方面发挥着重要作用。若干研究还表明，农业妇女更愿意从事非农工作，因为这与更好的生活条件、更稳定的收入、经济独立、社会保障、更好的工作条件以及社会承认和尊重有关(Efstratoglou, 1998年;奥哈拉,1998)。不同动机的非农工作存在，并取决于当前的情况，农户和可获得的非农工作机会。但很少有研究分析了工作动机的影响因素，以及这些动机对个体行为的影响，如从事非农就业的决定。研究人员将工作动机分为经济动机和非经济动机，或外在动机和内在动机。一个人工作的动机是外在的，因为他/她得到了金钱上的补偿;相反，一个内在动机的个体从工作本身获得直接效用(Cappellari和Turati, 2004)。关于外在动机和内在动机以及这些动机(个体或这些动机之间的关系)如何影响个体行为的理论已经得到发展(Ambrose和Kulik, 1999)。从事非农业工作既需要进入农村非农业经济的动力，也需要有能力从中持续地、有回报地谋生。政策环境、制度和脆弱性背景等因素与个人特征相结合，家庭和脆弱性的影响