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2011-10-07
The inkblot protests     A new generation takes to the barricades. They should pay more attention to the ballot box

IN TAHRIR SQUARE and Homs, Egyptians and Syrians have risked their lives to demand basic democratic freedoms. In Britain, that nation of shopkeepers, the young take to the streets to smash windows and steal trainers and television sets. Greeks are rioting because they can see their economic future being washed down the drain of the euro. And for the past few weeks in New York City many hundreds and sometimes thousands of young Americans have been marching, or camping out in Zuccotti Park in the financial district, to “Occupy Wall Street”, because they are demanding—well, what exactly?

    To judge by the diversity of their slogans, placards and websites, you pays your money (metaphorically) and you takes your choice. But there is no mistaking the gist.

    These people do not believe that the business of America should be business. A “Declaration of the Occupation of New York City” summons all those who feel “wronged by the corporate forces of the world”. Corporations “place profit over people”, “run our governments”, take bail-outs “with impunity”, poison the food supply, block green energy, “perpetuate colonialism at home and abroad”, muzzle the media and use student loans to “hold students hostage”. The protests have already spread to Los Angeles, Boston and Chicago, and were this week heading towards the nation’s capital. Explicitly invoking the spirit of Tahrir Square, the organisers of a rally planned for Freedom Plaza in Washington, DC, are demanding “just solutions to the crises we face”. In “creative acts of civil resistance” demonstrators will demand peace, freedom and “inherent rights”, including the inherent right “to grow edible natural food”.

    It is easy to demand “just solutions”. But this is so far a movement without detailed policies. You might call them the Rorschach protests. Politicians and newspaper commentators stare at the inkblots and see what they want to see. If they see nothing very coherent, they offer suggestions of their own. For example, Nicholas Kristof in the New York Times, moving from the sublimely vague to the ridiculously precise, advises the Wall Street demonstrators to demand a financial-transactions tax, the closing of the “carried interest” loophole and stricter capital requirements (he suggests the Basel 3 standards) for big banks. Good luck with those catchy slogans, Comrade Kristof.

    What the broader American left would love to see in the protests is a progressive counterpart to the conservatives’ tea-party movement. And why should that be so impossible? The tea parties, remember, also started with little more than a (strikingly ungrammatical) cry of pain. “This is America,” yelled Rick Santelli, a financial reporter, from the Chicago futures exchange in 2009. “How many of you people want to pay for your neighbour’s mortgage that has an extra bathroom and can’t pay their bills?”

    Mr Santelli’s televised rant against bail-outs has gone down in history as the birth harangue of the tea-party movement, which went on in double-quick time to capture the Republican Party and yank the whole of American politics sharply to the right. Like the Occupy Wall Street crowd, the tea-partiers did not have much by way of detailed policy when they started. That lot wanted to bash big government and restore individual liberty. This lot wants to bash big business and restore social justice. So why can’t Occupy Wall Street become a tea-party movement for the other side, one that might jolt the Democrats out of their torpor, tug them left, and switch back on some of the electricity that Barack Obama generated when he was running for president?

    One reason is that nothing sucks the energy out of a protest movement faster than winning power. And although Mr Obama still has his tax-the-rich moments, he knows he will not be re-elected by lurching too far left. The man who could use a fresh wad of donations from Wall Street as 2012 approaches is not going to align himself with those who would tear it down. Nor they with him: to many of the demonstrators, all politicians, including Mr Obama, are “Republicrats”, each as rotten as the other.

     You’ve had your revolution already

    The other reason to doubt whether Occupy Wall Street will become a tea-party movement of the left is its fixation on protest. But Zuccotti Park is not Tahrir Square and America is not Egypt. It is not even France. In France street demos are tolerated, sometimes glorified, as a way to blow off steam and win the attention of deputies who neglect voters or forget their election promises.

    America is different. It is, indeed, the sort of democracy that some people in Tahrir Square lost their lives asking for. With endless elections and permanent campaigns, it is exquisitely sensitive to voters’ wants. Its parties are bitterly polarised, so it is wrong to say that its politicians are all the same. It has its party machines, but groups that organise hard can use the primaries to prise them open. True, elections cost money; but Mr Obama proved that money soon flows to unknowns with momentum.

    The tea-partiers grasped all this. They, too, took to the streets. Some strutted about in tricorn hats. But at the same time they learned their way around the machinery of elections and how to scare the bejesus out of any candidate they did not like.

    The people behind Occupy Wall Street could follow suit if they wanted. Yes, they have every right to protest. Marches and sit-ins have played an honourable part in American history. The right of the people peaceably to assemble is enshrined in the first amendment. Nothing in the constitution says that you have to have a 12-point policy plan from McKinsey, or the permission of the New York police. If nothing else, these protests highlight the misery of millions during the present slump. But to bring about real change in a real democracy you also have to do real politics. It just takes work—and enough people who think like you.

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2011-10-7 09:45:31
墨迹抗议一个新的一代的路障。他们应该更注重的投票箱
在塔里尔广场和霍姆斯,埃及人和叙利亚人冒着生命危险,要求基本的民主自由。在英国,该店主的国家,年轻人走上街头,粉碎窗口,窃取教员和电视机。希腊人的骚乱,因为他们可以看到其经济的未来冲下欧元的流失。过去几周在纽约市数百个,有时数千名年轻的美国人已行军,或Zuccotti公园露营在金融区,“据华尔街”,因为他们要求好,究竟是什么呢?

    要判断他们的口号,标语和网站的多样性,你付出你的钱(比喻),你把你的选择。但有没有弄错的要领。

    这些人不相信,美国的企业应业务。一个“纽约市的职业宣言”传票所有这些人觉得“委屈世界的企业力量”。团“的地方利润达人”,“运行我们的ZF”,采取纾困“逍遥法外”,毒食品供应,块绿色能源“,长期在家殖民主义和国外”,钳制媒体,并使用助学贷款“持有学生人质“。抗议活动已蔓延到洛杉矶,波士顿和芝加哥,本周对国家的首都的标题。显式调用塔里尔广场的精神,组织者计划在华盛顿特区的自由广场**,要求“公正地解决我们所面临的危机”。在示威者的“民间性的创意行为”,将要求和平,自由和“固有权利”,包括“成长食用天然食品”的固有权利。

    这是很容易,要求“公正解决”。但是,这是到目前为止,没有详细的政策变动。你可能会叫他们罗夏抗议。政治家和报纸评论员盯着inkblots看到他们想看到的。如果他们什么也看不到很连贯,他们提供自己的建议。例如,尼古拉克里斯托夫在“纽约时报”,从sublimely模糊的离谱精确,建议华尔街示威,要求金融交易税,关闭“附带权益”漏洞和更严格的的资本要求(他建议巴塞尔3标准)为大银行。那些朗朗上口的口号,克里斯托夫同志,祝你好运。

    保守派“茶党运动是一个渐进的对应更广泛的美国左派希望能看到在抗议。为什么要那么不可能呢?茶话会,请记住,也开始与比(惊人地不合语法)哭的痛苦更小。大叫:“这是美国”里克圣泰利从芝加哥期货交易所,金融记者,在2009年。 “你这样的人有多少要付出你的邻居的抵押贷款,有一个额外的浴室,并不能支付他们的账单吗?”

    圣泰利议员对纾困的电视咆哮已经在历史上的茶党运动,其中又以在双快的时间内捕捉到共和党,并大幅拷贝整个美国政治的权利的诞生高谈阔论。占领华尔街人群一样,茶partiers没有详细的政策,当他们开始。该地段要bash的大ZF,并恢复个人自由。这要很多bash的大企业和恢复社会正义。那么,为什么不能占据华尔街成为对方的茶党运动,可能颠簸的民主党人,他们的麻木,拖船他们离开,并切换对奥巴马产生的,当他正在运行的一些电力回总统?

    其中一个原因是什么吸出的抗议运动的能量比赢得权力。虽然奥巴马仍然有他的税丰富的时刻,他知道他不会蹒跚太远左重新当选。该名男子从华尔街2012年的方法可以使用​​一个新鲜一叠捐款是不会对准自己,那些人会撕裂下来。也不与他:许多示威者,所有的政客,包括奥巴马,“Republicrats”,每个像其他烂。

     你已经有你的革命已经

    怀疑是否占据华尔街将成为左茶党运动的另一个原因是其固定抗议。但Zuccotti公园是不是塔里尔广场和美国是没有埃及。它甚至不是法国。在法国街头演示的方式来出气赢得忽视选民的代表或忘记了自己的竞选承诺注意,有时荣耀,是不能容忍的。

    美国是不同的。事实上,这是民主塔里尔广场的一些人失去了生命,要求排序。带着无尽的选举和永久的运动,它是极其敏感的选民的希望。恨恨极化及其政党,所以它是错误的说法,它的政治家都是一样的。它有它的党的机器,但团体,组织硬,可以使用的初选中,以奖他们打开。诚然,选举花钱,但奥巴马很快证明钱流向未知数与势头。

    茶partiers抓住了这一切。他们也上街。一些大摇大摆tricorn帽子。但在同一时间,他们学会了围绕选举的机械,以及如何吓唬他们不喜欢任何候选人的bejesus的。

    后面的人占据华尔街可能会步其后尘,如果他们想。是的,他们有权利抗议。**和静坐都起到了一个在美国历史上的光荣的一部分。人民和平**的权利体现在宪法第一修正案。在宪法中没有说,你必须有12点从麦肯锡的政策计划,或纽约警察的许可。如果不出意外,这些抗议活动,强调在目前不景气的数以百万计的苦难。但带来真正的变化在一个真正的民主,你还必须做真正的政治。它只是需要工作和谁像你认为的足够多的人。


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2011-10-7 19:32:33
楼上用的是在线翻译的吧!!有啥意思呢?一点 都不通顺
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