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1200 1
2012-02-01
From July 2005 until this past December, China’s renminbi (RMB) appreciated steadily. But then the RMB fell unexpectedly, hitting the bottom of the daily trading band set by the Peoples’ Bank of China (PBoC) for 11 sessions in a row. Though the RMB has since returned to its previous trajectory of slow appreciation, the episode may have signaled a permanent change in the pattern of the exchange rate’s movement.As long as China was running a trade surplus and receiving net inflows of foreign direct investment, the RMB remained under upward pressure. Short-term capital flows had little impact on the direction of the RMB’s exchange rate.
There were two reasons for this. First, thanks to an effective – albeit porous – capital-control regime in China, short-term “hot money” (capital coming into China aimed at arbitrage, rent-seeking, and speculation) could not enter (and then leave) freely and swiftly. Second, short-term capital flows usually would strengthen rather than weaken upward pressure on the RMB’s exchange rate, because speculators, persuaded by China’s gradual approach to revaluation, bet on appreciation.
So why, if China was still running a decent current-account surplus and a long-term capital surplus, did the RMB suddenly depreciate, forcing the PBoC to intervene (though not very vigorously) to prevent it from falling further?
Many economists outside of China have argued that the December depreciation resulted from betting by investors that Chinese policymakers, facing the prospect of a hard landing for the economy, would slow or halt currency appreciation. But if that were true, we would now be seeing significant long-term capital outflows and heavy selling of RMB for dollars in China’s foreign-exchange market.
We see neither reaction. More importantly, the RMB’s slow appreciation resumed fairly promptly after December’s dip, while investors’ bearish sentiments about China’s economy remain consistent.
In fact, the RMB’s sudden fall in December reflects China’s liberalization of cross-border capital flows. That process began in April 2009, when China launched the pilot RMB Trade Settlement Scheme (RTSS), which enables enterprises, especially larger ones, to channel their funds between Mainland China and Hong Kong. As a result, an offshore RMB market, known as the CNH market, was created in Hong Kong alongside the onshore market, now dubbed the CNY market.
But, in contrast to the CNY, the CNH is a free market. Given expectations of RMB appreciation and a positive interest-rate spread between Mainland China and Hong Kong, the RMB had a higher value in dollar terms on the CNH than on the CNY market. That difference led to active exchange-rate arbitrage by mainland importers and multinational firms – one form of capital inflows from Hong Kong to the mainland. Correspondingly, RMB liabilities owed by mainland Chinese and multinationals increased, as did RMB assets held by Hong Kong residents.
Exchange-rate arbitrage by mainland importers and multinationals creates upward pressure on the CNY and downward pressure on the CNH. In an economy with flexible interest and exchange rates, arbitrage eliminates the exchange-rate spread quickly. But, because China’s exchange rate and interest rates are inflexible, the CNH-CNY spread persists, and arbitragers are able to reap fat profits at the economy’s expense.
Last September, however, financial conditions changed suddenly in Hong Kong. The liquidity shortage caused by the European sovereign debt-crisis led developed countries’ banks – especially European banks with exposure in Hong Kong – to withdraw their funds, taking dollars with them. As a result, the CNH fell against the dollar. At the same time, the shortage of dollars had not yet affected the CNY, which remained relatively stable.
The CNH therefore became cheaper than the CNY. Consequently, mainland importers and multinationals stopped buying dollars from the CNH market and returned to the CNY market. At the same time, mainland exporters stopped selling dollars in the CNY market and turned to the CNH market.
The dollar shortage created depreciation pressures on the CNY, which the PBoC declined to offset. The CNY was thus bound to fall, which it did last September.
Reverse arbitrage meant capital outflows from the Chinese mainland. Correspondingly, RMB liabilities owed by mainlanders and multinationals decreased, as did RMB assets held in Hong Kong. In fact, increases in financing costs and uncertainty about RMB appreciation prompted a partial sell-off of RMB assets by Hong Kong residents[url=].[/url]
In short, because the RTSS made cross-border capital movements much easier, short-term flows have become a major factor in determining the RMB’s exchange rate. External shocks affect the offshore exchange rate first, and then feed through to the onshore exchange rate.
The RMB will continue to appreciate in the near future, owing to strong economic fundamentals, but the inherent instability of short-term capital flows will make its exchange rate more volatile. This change is bound to pose new challenges for decision makers in the United States and China, particularly as they engage in a fresh round of debate about China’s exchange-rate policy.

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2012-2-1 01:33:13
离岸货币是指在发行国以外存放并进行交易,且不受货币发行国金融法令管制的货币。发达的国际金融市场上,货币离岸经营是一个非常普遍的现象,离岸经营的货币称为离岸货币(Offshore Money),具体地说,离岸货币是指存放在货币发行国境外银行的货币存款,例如,伦敦巴克莱银行吸收的美元存款就是离岸美元,新加坡某家银行吸收的英镑存款就是离岸英镑,上海某银行吸收的港元存款就是离岸港元。
  最早的离岸货币出现在欧洲,因而也称作欧洲货币(Euro-Currency)。我们把伦敦和新加坡这样的经营离岸货币借贷和交易的金融市场称为离岸金融中心(Offshore Market Or Offshore Center)。相对应,没有离岸的传统货币存款称为在岸货币(Onshore Money),如纽约某银行的美元存款、伦敦某银行的英镑存款等,纽约的美元借贷市场、伦敦的英镑借贷市场称为在岸金融市场(On- shore Market)。
  离岸货币的经营活动游离于货币发行国境外,所以不受货币发行国的法律法规和监管的约束,离岸市场所在国往往对别国货币的本土经营也不加约束,所以,离岸货币是一种“自由货币”。
  当前,人民币还不是完全可兑换货币,在法律上还不能行使世界货币职能,目前中国的金融系统不向境外银行提供人民币的清算服务,所以人民币的海外离岸市场尚未形成。不过,国内金融机构可以吸收外币存款并可以发放外币贷款,上海和深圳还建立了用美元和港元计价交易的股票市场,国内可经营外汇业务的银行还向客户提供不涉及人民币的外汇兑换服务,即个人实盘外汇交易,俗称“外汇宝”业务,所以,可以说中国境内初步建立了其他货币的离岸市场。
  应该注意的是,在境外流通的本国现金货币不是离岸货币,离岸货币仅指境外的本币银行存款。这些年来,中国周边的国家和地区都有大量的人民币现金流通,据估算,仅香港一地人民币现金存量就超过了300亿元。境外人民币现金流通是另外一个研究课题,其实离岸货币与境外现金有很大区别,境外本币现金流通是货币替代现象,不是货币离岸现象。人民币现金在香港流通表明人民币现金部分地替代港币在香港当地行使货币职能,这些现金仍是中国人民银行的直接负债,但它对国内的货币政策和宏观经济影响不大,而且还可以为中国人民银行带来铸币税收益;假设香港存在着人民币的离岸市场,则香港银行吸收人民币原始存款后,根据信用派生机制可以在海外银行系统形成更多的人民币派生存款,这些人民币原始存款和派生存款都是海外银行的直接负债,并不是中国人民银行或境内金融机构的直接负债,所以,离岸货币的铸币税收益归海外银行所有;而且,在香港的离岸人民币主要行使世界货币职能,其行使货币职能的领域往往不在香港,对于走账型离岸中心,尤其是这样;此外,离岸货币市场具有批发性,能对国内人民币利率和汇率波动产生重大影响。时至今日,海外存在着局部的人民币替代当地货币现象,但并不存在真正意义上的人民币离岸市场。当然,只要国内金融体系为境外的银行提供人民币清算和现金回流服务,境外人民币现金可以方便地转化为离岸人民币。
  需要指出的是,美国国际银行设施 (International Bank Facilities,IBFs)的创立对于离岸货币这一特征赋予了新的内涵。为了吸引大量离岸美元回归美国本土,198t年美联储批准设立IBFs以利于离岸美元的本土经营。IBFs具有以下特点:(1)所有获准吸收存款的美国银行、外国银行均可申请加入IBFs,在美国境内吸收非居民美元或外币的存款,与非居民进行金融交易;(2)市场交易享受离岸市场的优待;(3)存放在IBFs账户上的美元视同境外美元,与国内美元账户严格分开。IBFs开辟了在货币发行国境内设立本币离岸金融市场开展本币离岸金融交易的先例,从而打破了传统的离岸金融中有关货币须游离于货币发行国境外的这一特点,但IBFs特点说明,离岸货币作为“自由货币”的本质并没有变化。
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