The Economics of Political PhilosophyA Treatise on Socio-Liberalism.pdf
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政治哲学的经济学：社会自由主义论著，围绕社会自由主义展开论述，从经济学视角探讨政治哲学议题。资料指出，若经济领域无法形成自发秩序，那么以自发秩序为根基的政治哲学便难以成立；结合人具有社会性这一前提，需要重新诠释自由与平等，并构建适配的社会组织形式，由此提出社会自由主义思想。资料一共分为六个部分，追溯自由观念的思想起源，把自由拆解为自由与主权两大要素，突破传统消极 / 积极自由二分法；构建连续谱系的平等概念，讨论平等的不同形态。同时分析自由、平等与社会制度之间的逻辑一致性，最后探讨社会组织模式，剖析传统自由主义的局限，阐释层级结构在社会组织中的客观存在。
The Economics of Political PhilosophyA Treatise on Socio-Liberalism The resource, therefore, is a treatise on socio-liberalism and it is also about the economics of political philosophy but in a somewhat narrow sense. The latter part is the one which was derived from my previous resource. Accordingly, if economics, the domain in social life where conflicts between individuals are the greatest, effectively rules out the possibility of a spontaneous order (or natural liberty), then no political philosophy can be seriously based on the possibility of such an order. Consequently, even if we wanted to restrict ourselves to the very basic interpretations of liberty and equality (i.e. liberty means merely the freedom to do what one wants [as long as it does not infringe on the right of another to do what they want] and equality before the law), for which the idea of a spontaneous order may be a logical conclusion, the impossibility of such an order suggests that they are ideas that cannot be accommodated by any feasible principle of social organisation. Put differently, there cannot be much purpose for ideas in a political philosophy for which there will never be a means of application. Add to this the claims about human nature—which are supported by ample evidence35—that individuals are innately social and therefore intrinsically socially minded, and that individuals—in the spirit of J S Mill—may need assistance to become the object of liberty, then we find ourselves far away from the domains which sprung liberalism and social-liberalism (also known as social democracy) along the, in my view defunct, spectrum of right-left political ideas that has stifled our way of thinking for far too long. Nonetheless, if we wish to cling to the principles of liberalism in the more relevant part of the domain we portrayed above and where people cannot be supposed to be a-priori autonomous and sovereign and where they are intrinsically social, we must return to examine its most fundamental concepts. This means that liberty and equality should be conceived anew and so must the question about the form of social organisation which may produce a society that upholds them. This, in turn, will constitute what I would like to call the idea of socio-liberalism. Thus, the resource comprised six parts. In the first one we take our cue from what we believe to be the current liberal state of affairs where individuals’ personal freedoms—in its most basic understanding—supported by the principle of natural liberty (a self-regulated system or spontaneous order) have become the core of human life, progress and social success. Apart from the question of whether it is indeed the case that such freedoms (or rights) are supported by such systems or that they are indeed the key for progress (whatever this means) or social success (ditto), there seems to be a hidden paradox in all that. In a world where the notions of personal freedoms seem to expand, there are constant demands to increase the domain of individuals’ rights that should be upheld by the state. At the same time, for this to be sustained, the actions of the state will inevitably become increasingly more coercive, thus restricting rather than increasing the domain of individuals’ freedoms. We will return to this in the fifth part of the resource, but in the first part we dwell on the question of how did we get to this state of affair where these notions of personal freedoms—to be able to do what one wants as long as one does not infringe the equivalent right of the other—coupled with a system of natural liberty (i.e. spontaneous order), have become the essence of liberalism. We propose to do so by tracing the idea back to its origins in the dawn of modernity and the Enlightenment. We find no obvious reason to believe that this state of affair can truthfully be traced back to the origin of the modern notion of liberty. The idea that people actually have liberty in some notional pre-social state or that they would not be willing to pay—in terms of what they presumably already have—for that which drives them into the social set-up, is highly questionable. Equally, in the more organic approach to society, creating institutions within society that may uphold individual freedoms without asking whether this may come at the expense of that which people already have—in this case, these are the social bonds that created society—does not seem to be a proper foundation for the liberal project. Therefore, a conclusion that liberty, interpreted merely as individuals’ freedoms, must be preserved in full without qualifications (beyond the usual caveat of other people’s freedoms), in the social set-up, cannot really be sustained. Evidently, based on our premises that individuals are intrinsically social, that they cannot all become genuinely free by themselves and that there exists no possible spontaneous order, the notion that liberty is not merely freedom would be further strengthened even without a historical reference point. This, in turn, is the task we undertake in the next two parts. Therefore, in the second part of the resource, we go back to basics and examine the meaning of the term liberty in the light of our premises. To facilitate a broad discussion that can both locate current views and identify the ways in which our view diverts from existing positions, we suggest that liberty is a complex and continuous concept. We claim that, in principle, liberty comprises two fundamental elements: freedom and sovereignty.36 We thus, to a degree, reject the Berlinian dichotomy between negative and positive rights as well as build a bridge between Constant’s distinction between the liberty of the ancients and the liberty of the moderns. By creating both a continuous concept of liberty as well as by juxtaposing it against a continuous constraint depicting varying social institutions defined in terms of the same parameters, we are able to identify an optimal notion of liberty for which there is a logically commensurate social structure. This too is part of what I call the economics of political philosophy in that, that we claim that in the end, for a set of values to be sustainable it must be at least logically consistent with social institutions that can uphold it. What we borrow here from economics is the notion that a certain normative position can be identified as a solution to an optimisation problem in a space where all possible alternatives may potentially reside. As I said before, it also allows us to associate different premises on human nature with variations on the concept of liberty and subsequently with variations on the kind of social institutions that may help facilitate them. In the third part we continue with the re-examination of the fundamental pillars of liberalism by addressing the difficult question of equality. Here too, we opted for a method of analysis that will allow us not only to express that which we think is right and therefore part of our conception of socio-liberalism but also to juxtapose it vis-a-vis existing and competing approaches to the subject. In this way we allow the reader to see what equality should mean given our premises as well as identify the ‘price’ that must be paid by adopting alternative approaches. At the heart of this method, as was the case with liberty, is the reliance on a composite and continuous notion of equality. Thus, we look at equality as spanning (continuously) all the way from equality of being to equality of consequences. An example of the former is the idea of equality before the law, and an example of the other end is the idea of total material equality. Evidently, one is based on what it is about our being that makes us equal while the latter is based on what it is about our doing that makes us equally deserving. Naturally, this also involves the question of being able to assign responsibilities: how responsible are we to certain elements in an outcome? Naturally, the way we understand equality depends on the way we understand the concept of human beings. Thus, different approaches to equality measured in terms of these components will reflect different attitudes towards not only the meaning of being human but also about that part of our humanity which makes us equal and that which accentuates our particularity and hence individuality. As in the case of liberty, we also look at the relationship between the continuous concept of equality and the continuity of social institutions—defined in similar terms—which may support it. Juxtaposing the desired notions of equality with what is institutionally feasible, we find ourselves in the position where the composite notion of equality is maximised in a feasible manner only under an ideal which institutionalises public actions and planning beyond the mere corrective approach of removing external barriers that stand before an ideal of natural liberty Part four of the resource has a dual purpose. On the one hand, it is a summary of the previous chapters ahead of the two institutional chapters. On the other hand, it has the purpose to show the consistency between the analysis of liberty, equality and social institutions. We examine the relationship between the various components of liberty and equality, as well as try to demonstrate that both notions of complex and continuous equality and liberty are at their most desirable composition when aligned with the same social principle of social organisation. It is also the one we associate with the idea of socio-liberalism. Parts five and six of the resource, therefore, are dealing with the implications of all we have said thus far for the question of social organisation. It is all about squaring the persistent circle where individual liberty itself is dependent on collective actions which, in turn, may have coercive implications. For traditional liberalism life has, in a way, been ‘easy’ because the kind of society it envisages is an extremely simple idea: a horizontal organisation of autonomous and sovereign individuals who interact freely and where the public—as a collective—is only there to uphold the law and at times help in changing external obstacles for individuals to express their liberty. And even this minimal public action is always kept under the scrutiny of individual and natural liberty. We rejected the idea of natural liberty not only because it is evidently impossible but also—and perhaps, mainly—because it was not appropriate for our premises regarding the conception of the individual. As our conclusions from the analysis of liberty and equality implied that we need a society where the public has a detrimental rule (nay, duty), it meant that society can no longer be a horizontal structure nor can public action be scrutinised by the defunct principles that are supposed to preserve an imaginary state of natural liberty. Now, the absence of a possible horizontal structure inevitably suggests the presence of a hierarchy. While this is something which draws immediate opposition and disdain, it may be worth noting that the received view among those who study organisations is that there is no such thing as an organisation without a hierarchy. This is clearly true of the apparent horizontal liberal society. Namely, even in a society where all are presumed to be equally autonomous and sovereign, they do not all wield equal power over their own fate or the fate of others. There is no need to elaborate on this as we are all experiencing hierarchical organisations almost everywhere within society, starting with the family and ending with the place of work. More broadly and more significantly, we see in full view in contemporary liberal societies how hierarchies develop in the form of power asymmetries
1 Prologue: A Flawed Conception of Politeia 1
1.1 The Book 28
Bibliography 37
2 Reflections on Liberal Civic Society 39
2.1 Society as a Rational Choice 48
2.2 The Returns on the Social Contract 64
2.3 Society as a Constraint 70
2.4 The Economy and Society 87
2.4.1 The One-Dimensional Agent 89
2.4.2 The Ordinary Business of Life 95
2.5 Conclusions 103
Bibliography 107
3 Liberty, Sovereignty and Society 111
3.1 On the Conception of Liberty 120
3.2 Liberty and the Social State 132
3.2.1 Self-Sufficiency with Natural Sociality 135
3.2.2 Self-Sufficiency with Natural Selfishness 176
3.2.3 Precarious State of Nature with Natural Sociality 183
3.2.4 Precarious State of Nature with Selfish Individuals 196
3.3 A Brief Note on the Organic Approach 206
3.4 Conclusions 220
Bibliography 225
4 Equality, Diversity and the Horizontalisation of Humanity 227
4.1 The Contemporary Liberal Conundrum 244
4.2 The Unity of Humans and Equality 260
4.2.1 An Evolutionary Anecdote: The Paradox of Unity 263
4.2.2 Some Lessons from History 271
4.3 The Ultimate Endogenisation of Ethics: Relative Morality,
the Great Transformation and Equality of Outcomes 305
4.3.1 The Great Transformation 311
4.4 Horizontalisation, Diversity and the Debasement
of Equality 355
4.5 Conclusions: Is Equality the Right Question? 384
Bibliography 395
5 Interim Summary and Amalgamation 401
Bibliography 412
6 The Organisation of Society I: Liberty—A Social Good 413
6.1 Natural Liberty and Freedom Revisited 422
6.1.1 Natural Liberty and Being Free 428
6.1.2 Collective Values and the Role of Hierarchy 438
6.2 Man Is Born Chained, and Everywhere He Is in Need of
Others to Become Free: Social Implications of Freedom Being
an Acquired Trait 443
6.3 Cognition and Autonomy/Sovereignty 455
6.4 Hierarchy 486
6.5 Conclusion 503
Bibliography 507
7 Organisation of Society II: The Dual System: Coercion
and Freedom in a Liberal Structure 513
7.1 Something About Public Action and Coercion 519
7.1.1 Public Actions and Efficiency 519
7.1.2 Public Action and Coercion 527
7.2 The Dual Society and Its Systems 543
7.2.1 The Behavioural Distinction 548
7.2.2 The Structure of Society 553
7.3 A Note on the Politics of the Dual Society 600
7.4 A Note on Practicality 626
7.5 Conclusions 631
Bibliography 635
8 Epilogue: Last-Chance Liberalism 641
Bibliography 652
Bibliography 653
Index 669

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