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2013-07-25
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The use of village agents in rural credit delivery
作者:Gabriel Fuentes ,The Journal of Development Studies, 1996, vol. 33, issue 2, pages 188-209  
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2013-7-25 23:08:42
The use of village agents in rural credit delivery
Journal of Development Studies, December 1996  

INTRODUCTION

Over the last several decades many low-income countries have allocated billions of dollars to rural financial market projects in an attempt to aid the rural poor, and the small farmer in particular. The amounts that have been spent are substantial. In the few decades preceding the 1980s in excess of US$5 billion had been spent by aid agencies in rural financial markets [Adams and Graham, 1981]. More recently, it has been reported that the World Bank has allocated more than US$9.5 billion of its own funds to agricultural credit projects [Von Pischke, 1991: 65].

In many cases the objective of these credit projects was to provide the small farmer with access to formal loans, often at subsidised rates of interest. It was believed that by providing the small farmer with credit he would, in turn, make the necessary investments in technology and inputs that lead to increased agricultural production and income. Unfortunately, most of these credit projects failed in reaching the rural poor.(1)

The unsatisfactory performance of many of these government-led agricultural credit programmes has led policy-makers, and students of rural finance alike, to search for alternative institutional arrangements for delivering credit to the rural areas. This article is about a proposed alternative delivery mechanism whereby a formal financial institution (such as a rural bank) utilises a member of the rural community to act as an agent in screening potential borrowers and collecting repayment. I call such agents village agents. By incorporating village-level information on borrower risk characteristics, this mechanism helps to mitigate the information problems that hamper the performance of financial institutions when lending to the rural poor. In addition, by gaining access through the agent to village-level enforcement mechanisms (such as social sanctions), the financial institution may also mitigate some of the problems it faces when collecting repayment.

There have been wide variations, both in the discussion among policymakers on how best to use village agents, and in the specific methods in which they have been utilised in rural credit delivery systems. For example, while the use of village headmen or clan leaders as agents has been debated in Thailand [Onchan, 1992], many Indonesian rural financial institutions have already incorporated them into their credit delivery systems [Yaron, 1992; Mone, 1994; Chaves and Gonzalez-Vega, 1996]. Esguerra [1981], documents the use of production technicians and agricultural extension agents as de facto loan agents for banks that participated in the Masagana 99 credit program in the Philippines. In Bangladesh, McGregor [1988; 1989] and Maloney and Ahmad [1988] describe how loan facilitators or 'brokers' have been used to connect formal financial institutions and the rural poor. Finally, Wells [1978] describes how the Agricultural Bank of Malaysia used private traders, merchants, and shopkeepers to help in disbursing credit to small paddy farmers in the early 1970s.

Despite the attention that this form of delivery mechanism has received, there has been little discussion of the difficulties of implementing such an arrangement. In particular, while the agency problems that may arise in this form of credit delivery have been identified (for example, an agent may act strategically in identifying creditworthy borrowers or shirk in loan collection), they have yet to be rigorously examined.(2) The purpose of this study then, is to explicitly take into account the incentive problems that a financial institution may encounter in contracting with a village agent.

The mechanism that I analyse in this article has a village agent identify creditworthy farmers and enforce loan repayments. The problem for the financial institution is to induce the agent to reveal his private information truthfully, and to exert an appropriate effort level in collecting repayment. Using a simple principal-agent framework, I first derive the optimal compensation scheme for the agent with unobservable effort, but whose private information can be extracted at no cost. I show that the optimal compensation scheme consists of two payments. If the loan is repaid the agent receives a payment that provides him with a level of utility that is greater than his disutility of effort. In other words, the agent is rewarded if the loan is repaid. On the other hand, if the loan is not repaid the agent receives a payment that provides him with a level of utility that is less than his disutility from effort. Put differently, the agent is penalised if the loan is not repaid.

I then relax the assumption of costless information revelation by the agent. I show that if the agent incurs a social cost from revealing damaging information about a borrower (for instance, a high credit risk borrower receives a negative report from the agent and is denied credit by the bank), then the optimal compensation scheme is altered. I show that under certain conditions the norms and rules that govern village life aid the financial institution by helping to constrain possible strategic behavior by the agent.

The delivery mechanism that is analysed in this article is similar to another delivery mechanism that has been studied in the literature. Floro and Ray [1993] examine government attempts to link the formal and informal sectors together by using informal lenders as conduits for formal funds. Floro and Ray focus on the implications of these linkages on the possibilities for strategic co-operation among informal lenders and on the resulting effects on small borrower's contract terms. Hoff and Stiglitz [1996], examine the case in which the formal sector expands the amount of subsidised credit to informal lenders who would, in turn, on-lend to small farmers. Hoff and Stiglitz focus on whether the subsidy will lower the interest rates faced by small farmers or, instead, be dissipated by an increase in the number of informal lenders competing in a monopolistically competitive market. In contrast, in the delivery mechanism that is studied here, the village agent is not a direct conduit of formal sector funds, he is a de facto employee of the financial institution.

The structure and analysis of the delivery mechanism highlighted in this study may shed light on similar institutional arrangements such as (1) the use of rural branch managers that are recruited from the village, as has been discussed by Chaves and Gonzalez-Vega [1996] for Indonesia, and in Niger by Graham [1992], (2) the use of operators of mobile rural banking units, and (3) an NGO that uses agents in screening and in loan collection. The analysis here may also provide a method in which formal financial institutions can incorporate independent loan 'brokers' that are found, for example, in the rural areas of Bangladesh [McGregor, 1988; Maloney and Ahmad, 1988], and in the urban areas of India [Timberg and Aiyar, 1984] and Bolivia [Larson and Urquidi, 1987].

This article proceeds in the following manner. In section II, I discuss the use of village agents by formal financial institutions in credit delivery, including some of the potential problems. In section III, I present the basic model that is, in turn, analysed in section IV. In section V, I modify the model to allow for costly revelation of the village agent's private information. In section VI, I briefly describe specific mechanisms implemented in Bangladesh and Indonesia similar to the one analysed in this article. Finally, I discuss directions for future research in section VII.

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