In Kambon village, where electricity is still a novelty, they'll quickly tell you who was responsible for bringing change to this long-neglected corner of Thailand. Thaksin Shinawatra is a former prime minister, a billionaire businessman and the brother of the current prime minister. He has lived for years in self-imposed exile in Dubai, but is still widely seen as Thailand's most powerful politician. He is despised by his opponents among Thailand's traditional elite. But around here he is a saint. | 在一個電力仍然是一件新鮮事的坎彭村裡,人們很快就會告訴你,為這個長期被忽視的泰國角落地區帶來改變的是誰。塔信是前任總理、億萬富翁商人,以及現任總理的親哥哥。他雖然多年前自我放逐到杜拜,但仍然被廣泛視為泰國最有權勢的政治人物。他被泰國傳統精英之間的對手所鄙視,不過在這裡,他卻是個聖人。 |
"Ten years ago, there was no electricity, no irrigation," said Pichai Poltaklang, a local organizer for Thaksin's political movement, commonly known as the "Red Shirts." He ticks off government programs: the virtually free health care, the low-cost education loans, the old-age pension. "Before Thaksin came to power, we were left out." | 塔信發起的俗稱「紅衫軍」政治運動的當地組織者皮柴表示:「十年前,這裡沒電,也沒灌溉系統。」他列舉了ZF的方案:幾乎免費的醫療保健,低成本的教育貸款,養老年金。他指出:「在塔信就任以前,大家都對我們不聞不問。」 |
As Thailand faces a schism pitting the rural poor against the traditional urban elite, places like Kambon are at the heart of Thaksin's power. There are tens of thousands of villages like this scattered across Thailand's north and northeast and millions of villagers in them who idealize Thaksin. | 泰國面臨農村貧困人口與傳統城市精英決裂之際,像坎彭這樣的地方是在塔信勢力的核心。這樣的地方散落在泰國北部與東北部地區,數以百萬計的村民都深信塔信是理想的領導人。 |
Thaksin, who was born in the north, used millions made as a telecommunications magnate to vault himself into politics. He became prime minister in 2001. To his rural followers, Thaksin is a man who looked for ways to improve their lives. To his many critics, he took a cold look at Thailand's demographics, focusing on populous but poor regions where he knew government spending would make an immediate impact and bring followers. The followers came in droves. | 泰國北部出生的塔信,使用他作為一個電信巨擘所賺取的數以百萬計資金,讓自己躍入政壇。他在二○○一年成為總理。對於塔信的農村支持者來說,他是尋找各種方法來改善他們生活的人。對於許多批評他的人來說,他只是冷眼檢視了泰國的人口結構,然後把重點集中在人口眾多但貧困的地區, 因為他知道ZF在那裡的支出將直接產生效應,並帶來追隨者,支持者果然成群結隊地來到。 |
Thaksin quickly became Thailand's most popular politician, with that popularity holding on even after he was ousted in a 2006 military coup, and then after he went into exile to avoid a corruption conviction he says was politically motivated. He has not been back to Thailand since 2008. | 塔信迅速成為泰國支持度最高的政治人物,即使他二○○六年在軍事政變中遭推翻,即使他流亡國外以避免被貪污起訴(他表示是出於政治動機的起訴 )後, 他的支持度仍然居高不下。自二○○八年以來,他就一直沒有回到泰國。 |
The 2006 coup split Thailand's social divisions wide open, and set the stage for years of on-and-off political turmoil. Since then, elections have been interspersed with carefully orchestrated chaos, whether by Thaksin's "Red Shirts" or by the "Yellow Shirts" of the traditional elite. The most recent trouble began in November, when the ruling party — led by Thaksin's younger sister, Prime Minister Yingluck Shinawatra — tried to push an amnesty bill through Parliament. Critics said it was designed to allow Thaksin back into Thailand. Even though the government backed down, the protests continued. This week, Yingluck dissolved Parliament and called fresh elections, though this failed to appease the protesters. | 二○○六年的政變使泰國社會嚴重分歧,並為多年來斷斷續續的政治動盪帶來序幕。從此以後,選舉都穿插著精心打造的混亂事件, 塔信的「紅衫軍」與傳統精英組成的「黃衫軍」,都曾引發這類混亂。最新的事件在十一月,當塔信的妹妹現任總理盈拉率領的執政黨試圖在國會通過的大赦法案後開始。批評者表示,法案的目的是讓 塔信回國。儘管ZF有所讓步,但抗議活動仍在繼續。本週,盈拉解散國會並呼籲盡快舉行選舉,但這未能滿足示威者。 |
In Kambon, Noothuan Wongthong can quickly list programs that have benefited her: the guaranteed price for rice, the loans, the medical care. She worries what will happen if protesters drive Yingluck from power. "Before Thaksin, the money never reached us here," she said. "Now it does." | 在坎彭,努端可以快速舉出使她受惠的政策:大米保證價格、貸款和醫療保健。她擔心示威者假如推翻盈拉的話,未來會發生什麼事。她表示:「塔信出現之前,錢從來沒來到我們這裡,不過錢現在來了。」 |