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2008-12-05

大部分债权人认为债务人应该主动解决他们自己的问题,显然,中国也不例外。

  为期两天的中美经济战略对话,中方代表团领导,王岐山呼吁美国迅速采取措施解决危机并指明双方要加强合作。“我们希望美方采取必要的措施来稳定经济和金融市场同时确保中国在美国的资产和投资安全”他说。
央行行长周小川敦促美国平衡其经济,“过度消费以及对信贷的高度依赖性导致了这次危机的发生,作为世界上最大最重要的经济体,美国应该积极调整其政策,适当提高储蓄率降低贸易和财政赤字。”

不过我希望中国的政策制定者们明白这样几点:
1.他们而不是美国决定采取强力干预政策以保持长期的低汇率。这个政策必然暗示中国的金融损失,他们为美元计价的资产过度支付了,而低汇率政策支持外贸行业也是没必要的。美国没有办法保证中国在持有美元上面的损失。
2.高杠杆金融机构的投资者面临巨大损失的风险。中国对于正在遭受的损失感到不适说明它本不应该购买大量的主要金融机构的股票。One of the concerns Larry Summers raised about sovereign wealth fund investments in large financial institutions is such investments would turn the always difficult decision to wipe out the equity of a failed financial institution into a foreign policy decision. That rings true.(这一段没看懂,还请高人指教)
3.看看美国从中国的大量进口,如果不对中国的外贸行业施压,美国很难增加储蓄(降低贸易赤字)。事实上,美国的消费者正跟随周小川的建议增加储蓄,而那正是中国出口减速的原因。这令中国的决策者不悦,事实上,美国降低的贸易赤字则意味着对中国产品需求的减少。
4.如果中国希望保持贸易盈余,如果中国出口增速高于全球的进口增速意味着中国国际市场份额的上升,其他国家必然发生贸易赤字。如果原有价格保持在40多美元,赤字将更多来在于原有出口国家。而他们可以通过卖出持有的美国和欧洲资产弥补赤字。他们不需要承担新的债务以及借用中国的盈余。因此许多补偿性赤字将来自美国。当中国政府愿意借给美国所需的资金,美国的投资超过了储蓄。而世界上并没有多少国家愿意接受中国4000亿美元的经常帐户盈余。

中国对于美国宽松的政策的抱怨和中国旨在支持外贸的政策有点冲突。
我会对中国对外贸部门的关心-更多的失业者抱有更多的同情心,如果以下事情没有发生:

1.中国这十年来政策的选择导致了大量经常帐户盈余的积累,并且产了一个可预见的结果是出口部门的过度投资,因此中国对于全球经济衰退表现出脆弱性。
2.中国仍在大范围预报增长速度几乎超过任何对手,此刻并不是说这些的时候。
3.中国追求资本集中型发展路径,并正富有效率地替换劳动集中型出口模式。
4.中国的出口增长迅速,中国的国际市场份额一直在增加,这直接和汇率有关-前期中国在欧洲市场份额的增加得益于人民币对欧元的贬值。

国际贸易正在衰退-韩国11月份出口一路下降,由于美国汽车市场销售冷淡,日本出口同样紧张。当中国开始意识到出口补贴的巨大成本-事实上为了避免遭受持有投资的缩水需要对美国和美元下更大的赌注的时候,中国需要对美国政策多一点话语权。而那正是潜在的紧张气氛来源。

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2008-12-5 13:28:00
请楼主给出这篇文章的外文链接地址。谢谢!
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2008-12-6 00:16:00
中国对于美国宽松的政策的抱怨和中国旨在支持外贸的政策有点冲突。
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2008-12-6 00:31:00
中国现在的确进退维谷
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2008-12-6 03:42:00

China is starting to sound like a normal creditor country

http://blogs.cfr.org/setser/2008/12/04/china-is-starting-to-sound-like-a-normal-creditor-country/#more-4138

Most creditors believe that the debtor needs to take the lead in addressing their own problems. China is, apparently, no different. Geoff Dyer of the Financial Times reports:

Wang Qishan, a vice premier and leader of the Chinese delegation at the two-day talks, called on the US to take swift action to address the crisis and said the two countries needed to work together. “We hope the US side will take the necessary measures to stabilise the economy and financial markets as well as guarantee the safety of China’s assets and investments in the US,” Mr Wang said.

Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of the Chinese central bank, urged the US to rebalance its economy. “Over-consumption and a high reliance on credit is the cause of the US financial crisis,” Mr Zhou said. “As the largest and most important economy in the world, the US should take the initiative to adjust its policies, raise its savings ratio appropriately and reduce its trade and fiscal deficits.”

Zhou Xiaochuan, governor of the Chinese central bank, urged the US to rebalance its economy. “Over-consumption and a high reliance on credit is the cause of the US financial crisis,” Mr Zhou said. “As the largest and most important economy in the world, the US should take the initiative to adjust its policies, raise its savings ratio appropriately and reduce its trade and fiscal deficits.”

Jim Fallows’ interview with Gao Xiqing has a similar tone: the US should treat its creditors rather more nicely. Fair enough. China now almost certainly has well over $1 trillion in US Treasury and Agency bonds, and probably close to $1.5 trillion in total dollar exposure (more on that next week). That is a lot by any measure — more than really makes sense.

On the other hand, I hope that Chinese policy makers recognize:

a) They, not the US, decided to intervene heavily and in sustained way to hold their exchange rate down, a policy that necessarily implies financial losses for China. China is effectively overpaying for financial assets (dollar reserves) that it doesn’t need in order to support its export sector. There is no way the US can guarantee China against losses on its holdings of dollars.

b) Investors in highly leveraged financial institutions risk large losses. China’s discomfort with its current losses suggests it never should have bought large stakes in major financial institutions. One of the concerns Larry Summers raised about sovereign wealth fund investments in large financial institutions is such investments would turn the always difficult decision to wipe out the equity of a failed financial institution into a foreign policy decision. That rings true.

c) Given how much the US imports from China, it is hard to see how the US can increase its savings (and reduce its trade deficit) without putting pressure on China’s export sector. Indeed, right now the US consumer seems to be following PBoC governor Zhou’s advice to save more - that is one reason why China’s exports have slowed. And that hardly has made Chinese policy makers happy. Right now a smaller US fiscal deficit would imply even bigger falls in global demand for China’s products.

d) If China wants to maintain its trade surplus — and in the process to maintain a world where China’s exports are growing faster than the world’s imports, meaning that China’s global market share is rising — other countries will necessarily have to run a trade deficit. If oil remains in the 40s, some of that deficit will likely come from the world’s oil exporters. But they can finance their deficit by selling existing US and European assets. They won’t necessary need to take on new debt and borrow China’s surplus. A lot of the offsetting deficit will likely come from the US. By the same token, China can only save more than it invests if someone else invests more than it saves, and thus needs to borrow from the rest of the world — just as the US can only invest more than it saves if someone else (like China’s government) is willing to lend it the funds it needs. There aren’t many places in the world that are likely to absorb China’s projected $400 billion current account surplus.

Chinese complains about loose US policy are a bit at odds with other Chinese policy choices that are aimed at supporting China’s exports.

I would have more sympathy for China’s concerns about its export sector — and the loss of jobs in its export sector — if:

a) China wasn’t running a large current account surplus as a result of policy choices in this decade that had the predictable result of leading to over-investment in China’s export sector, and thus increased China’s vulnerability to a global slowdown (click here for a summary of the article I linked to above that is not behind a firewall).

b) If China wasn’t still widely forecast to grow more rapidly than almost anyone else, which admittedly isn’t saying all that much right now.

c) If China didn’t have the capacity to support employment through a large domestic stimulus. For example, the World Bank is forecasting a smaller swing in China’s fiscal balance in 2009 than seems likely in the US.

d) If China hadn’t pursued a capital intensive development path that has been creating many jobs for a long-time. Effectively China has substituted capital-intensive exports for labor-intensive exports; remember, it is exporting way more in 2008 than in 2007.

e) If Chinese exports weren’t expected to grow faster (or shrink by less) than the world’s imports. Remember China has been gaining global market share for the past several years. And yes, that is something that is, in my view, directly tied to the exchange rate — China’s market share in Europe soared after the RMB fell v the euro. The World Bank forecasts that this will continue in 2009 even with the RMB’s recent broad appreciation … (See figure 2 and the table on p. 9 of the World Bank Quarterly)

The slump in global trade — Korea’s exports were way down in November, and given US auto sales, Japan’s exports likely will be too — is sure to increase trade tensions. And as China starts to realize the costs of its export subsidies — and the fact that avoiding incurring financial losses on its existing investment requires making an ever bigger financial bet on the US and the US dollar — it sure seems that China wants a bit more say over US policy. That too is a potential source of tension.

China effectively choose to loose money lending to the US when it scaled up its purchases of dollars to resist pressure for the RMB to appreciate and in the process subsidize its export sector. But I doubt China sees it that way.

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2008-12-6 04:02:00
。One of the concerns Larry Summers raised about sovereign wealth fund investments in large financial institutions is such investments would turn the always difficult decision to wipe out the equity of a failed financial institution into a foreign policy decision. That rings true

Lawrence Henry  "Larry" Summers  ( born November 30, 1954 ) is an American economist and member of President-elect Barack Obama's Transition Economic Advisory Board.[1] On November 24, 2008 he was named the next head of the White House's National Economic Council.[2]

http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lawrence_Summers

What are sovereign wealth funds?

Sovereign wealth funds, as defined by the U.S. treasury, are government investment funds, funded by foreign currency reserves but managed separately from official currency reserves. Basically, they are pools of money governments invest for profit. Often, this money is used to invest in foreign companies. For instance, China’s SWF recently purchased stakes in the U.S. financial firms Morgan Stanley and the Blackstone Group.

What concerns have been raised about SWFs?

The major looming factor is how SWFs will be used in practice. Will governments use them simply as financial tools and eye investments from a purely financial standpoint, or will SWFs emerge as an implement of political muscle? Former U.S. Treasury Secretary Lawrence Summers wrote in a July 2007 Financial Times op-ed that the concerns raised over SWFs are “profound and [go] to the nature of global capitalism.” Mallaby, in his Washington
       Post article, notes the protests of Sen. Jim Webb (D-VA), when China purchased a stake of Blackstone, and says more controversy could ensue: “Imagine Webb’s protests if the Chinese do what they say they will do: emulate one of Singapore’s national wealth funds, Temasek Holdings, which buys direct stakes in foreign companies without going through a middleman such as Blackstone.” Other fears could be raised, he writes, if SWFs begin flexing the power they would wield as shareholders in foreign corporations—for instance, what if Middle Eastern or East Asian SWFs banded together to oust the CEO of a U.S. corporation? In corporate governance terms, this would be seen as positive shareholder activism, but when governments are involved, experts are left to guess at whether such clout would be used for financial gain or for political purposes. “The logic of the capitalist system depends on shareholders causing companies to act so as to maximize the value of their shares,” writes Summers. “It is far from obvious that this will over time be the only motivation of governments as shareholders.”

http://www.cfr.org/publication/15251/

[此贴子已经被作者于2008-12-6 4:28:48编辑过]

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