Whyte, M. K., Gries, P. H., & Rosen, S. (2010). Do Chinese citizens want the government to do more?. Chinese politics: State, society and the market.

Introduction 10

China has sustained an extraordinary growth rate for the three decades since market reforms were launched in 1978, but this record has produced at least one very worrisome consequences.

读到这里，不禁好奇是什么worrisome consequences, sustain an extraordinary growth rate… since market reform was launched, 经典表达这个意思的方法。

As state employment and bureaucratic allocation have given way to markets and competition, income differences have widened considerably. Although the average standard of living has risen sharply, losses of jobs and benefits have plunged large numbers of Chinese families into poverty even as, at the other end of social scale, the reforms have produced many new millionaires living in guarded and gated mansion compounds.

这也是如何表达ZF安排工作和计划分配的一种方式，state employment and bureaucratic allocation , give way to, income widened considerably. … have plunged …Chinese families, 有时候说citizen，individuals 说多了，也可以说families。 At other end of social scale, 陈述两种社会地位的人时， 可以用这个表达作为转折。

The research project reported in these pages is devoted to trying to understand how Chinese citizens view the complex inequality trends in their society. Do most Chinese feel gratitude for the general improvement in living standards that have occurred since 1978 and perceive growing income and other gaps as necessary and desirable? Or is the majority sentiment instead that the switch from socialist to market principles and rising income gaps are signs of a social order that has become fundamentally unjust? Do many Chinese harbor nostalgic feelings for the presumed greater equality of the Mao era and want the government to take more active steps to reduce current inequalities?

我觉得这个intro 用在申请科研基金的申请材料是非常好的，因为它很快的点明背景，提出问题，连用若干个疑问，来说明这个research fund 要去回答这些有意思的问题。纵观这些问题，我觉得每个中国人都会有自己心目中的答案，甚至这些答案应该是有比较明显的趋势的，我们可能因为身处其中，不能发现这些问题和答案的社会学心理学意义，whyte作为一名研究中国的老外学者，就有这样的独特优势，他在看似寻常的问题中，发现了社会意义。The majority sentiment is that the switch from… to…. Signs of social order that …. fundamentally unjust.  注意sentiment的用法，以及那个从什么swith from …to… 需要时，记得这么写。

In recent years many analysts have depicted Chinese society as increasingly rocked by anger and protest activity in response to rising inequalities. For example, official police statistics state that the number of “mass protest incidents” in China increased from 8,700 in 1993 to 87,000 in 2005, with commentators suggesting that rising anger about inequality was a prime factor behind this surge. A poll of senior officials conducted by the Central Party School in 2004 concluded that the income gap was China’s most serious social problem, far ahead of crime and corruption, which were ranked two and three. On a similar note, a summary of the 2006 “Blue Book” published by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (an annual assessment of the state of Chinese society) stated, “the gini coefficient, an indicator of income disparities, reached 0.53 last year, far higher than a dangerous level of 0.4.”

这是上篇Whyte 介绍部分也曾使用的梗，就是通过不同的调研和数据显示，中国的inequality的水平高高，危害深深，但是不要被他迷惑住，他其实真正的目的也许并不在此（后面其他的文章有可能会介绍。 Analyst 这个词可以与scholar做替换，虽然现实中，他们并不是一回事。Increasingly rocked by , increasingly 应该不止一次使用了吧。In response to inequality…. For example 后面一个official police statistics state….一个 poll of senior officials conducted by the CPS concluded that ….. on a similar note 是个什么鬼东西，原来是“类似的记录”的意思，诸位学到了吧 a summary of …published by…..他的排比几乎不用重复的名词和动词，值得学习。

Reports such as these have led some analysts to conclude that China is becoming a “social volcano,” with rising anger over inequality and distributive injustice a threat to political stability.

因为本篇作者的主题是关于people’s attitudes on inequality, 所以他再强调the anger to inequality and distributive injustice 将其称为a threat to political stability.

An additional element of this kind of conventional account of Chinese social trends is the assumption that if China is headed toward a social volcano, the eruption will mostly come from reform-era losers- those left behind and disadvantaged by recent trends, even as growing middle and propertied classes are relatively satisfied with the status quo. While migrants, the poorly educated, residents of interior provinces, and other relatively disadvantaged groups are assumed to be unhappy with current inequalities, it is China’s rural population that is often seen as most angry.  

在这一部分，whyte又仔细勾画了另外一个assumption，即，erruption will mostly come from reform-era losers – those who left behind, 或 disadvantaged by recent trend, 请注意，他还有其他的一些列举办法，migrants, the poorly educated, residents of interior province, and other relatively disadvantaged  , be assumed….

Whyte 现在所做的一切努力，就是根据一些数据和逻辑推出两个hypothesis，按照hypothesis的写法，应该会有hypothesis 1 and hypothesis 2，哈哈，但大牛whyte还是像讲段子一样在讲他的研究，并没有用hypothesis这个方式。

However, we need to stop and ask whether these analyses of popular attitudes in China today are correct or not. Are Chinese very angry about what they feel are excessive inequalities in their society? Would they prefer a social order characterized by much greater social inequality? Do they think the Chinese government should be playing a more active role in limiting and redressing current inequalities? And within Chinese society, is it disadvantaged groups in general, and farmers in particular，who have the strongest desires for greater equality? These are questions this essay considers by using data from a 2004 china national survey on these issues.

这肯定是作者在得知结果后，又故意提出的疑问，其实我们也都是得知了数据结果，才开始写文章的，但通常不会卖这么大的关子。 卖关子的方式就是 however we need stop and ask whether analyses of ….are correct or not. Are ...? would ....? do…..? is….. 若干疑问之后，these are the questions this essay considers by using….on these issues.

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